Medvedev: Unipolarity unacceptable. Domineering inadmissible

Read it in Russian

Aug 31, 2008, President of Russia Dmitry Medvedev gave an interview to the 1st, Russia, and NTV Russian TV Channels. REGNUM publishes the interview transcript.

Dmitry Anatolievich, the situation around South Ossetia has been developing for the long 17 years. Why the decision to recognize independence of these territories was taken when Georgia had attacked Tskhinval? Were other options available?

I think that the decision was inevitable in the situation, and its effectiveness is today obvious to everyone. Really, for 17 years, we had been trying to glue together the essentially-collapsed state by boosting the conflict-resolution process by all means. In 1990s, we prevented a very large bloodshed. Probably, some chances to settle the conflict had been present until recently. If it were not for the idiotic adventure performed by the Georgian leadership.

It essentially terminated the common living of Abkhazians, Ossetians, and Georgians. And not merely terminated: it erased a greate number of human lives. Civilians were slaughtered, including our citizens. Peacekeepers were massacred, who stood for keeping apart the conflicting sides. Especially monstrous is the fact that Georgian peacekeepers were shooting at their colleagues. All this ultimately triggered the events' developing by the most complicated scenario.

We were left no choice, except responding to the hideous, absolutely outrageous onrush, to bring the sutuation back to normal, to protect lives and dignity of people living in South Ossetia. And for Abkhazia, which you know of, a special plan was developed — it was recently demonstrated by our General Staff. They had just the same scenario in that case, too. This is why, to prevent the next genocide of the population, the exodus of Abkhazians and Ossetians from their territories, we took these decisions. I repeat again: Life has proven their absolute obviousness and urgency.

Dmitry Anatolievich, reaction of our western partners to the decisions taken by Russia was, all in all, predictable: from moderate to critical. What did we expect, and what are we expecting from our closest neighbors, for example, the CIS countries, in the sense of their reaction? And how important it is for Russia, say, what number of states follow our suite and recognize sovereignty of Abkhazia and South Ossetia? To what extent our further actions depend on that?

All main steps that Russia had to take have already been taken by us. As you understand, this was not an easy decision. But these were necessary and sufficient decisions. What about reaction of other countries, it really is different. Perhaps, this is how it should be. Reaction of our closest neighbors is quite objective. I have met with most leaders at the SCO summit: they understand the motives of steps taken by Russia.

Recognition is a separate issue. I would like to remind you that recognition of sovereignty is decided on by each state individually. No collective action is required here. Look at the Kosovo example. It is quite clear that in this situation, too, there will be states who will agree with the emergence of the new states, and there will be states who will consider it untimely. But I will remind to you that international law is founded on the principle stipulating that a new state, as legal specialists call it, the legal subjectivity of a new state, emerges at the moment when at least one other state recognizes it.

This is why, from the legal point of view, the new states have emerged. The process of their recognition could take a considerably long time. This will by no means alter out position. We have taken our decision. We have taken it irrevocably. Our duty is to maintain peace and stability in the region. These are our guidelines.

And what Russia is going to do in these republics? What it will look like?

Naturally, we are going to help these republics by all means. Bilateral agreements are now being worked on — international agreements already — between the Russian Federation and Abkhazia and the Russian Federation and South Ossetia. In these international agreements, our commitments to support and help are going to be stated: economic, social, humanitarian, in the broad sence of the word, and, finally, the defense-related help. These are going to be normal, full-fledged international legal relations, allies' relations.

Dmitry Anatolievich, it is absolutely clear now to evebody that after Aug 8, 2008, the place of Russia in the world has changed. Substantially and visually, all the system of earlier-reached agreements has changed. A number of international institutions proved absolute incompetence in resolving the conflict. Meanwhile, Russia and the west, as well as I understand, are not, nevertheless, ready to ultimately break off their relations. What is, from your point of view, the future of the world, the world order, and the place of our country in it?

In exercising foreign policy of the Russian Federation, I will be founded on five principles.

First: Russia recognizes the priority of the fundamental principles of the international law which define relations among civilized countries. Based on these principles, the concept of the international law, we are going to develop our relations with other countries.

Second: The world has to be a multipolar one. Unipolarity is unacceptable. Domineering is inadmissible. We cannot accept a world order in which all decisions are taken by one side, even by such a serious and important one as the United States of America. Such world is unbalanced and imminent with conflicts.

Third: Russia does not want confrontation with any country. Russia is not going to isolate itself. We will develop, as much as it will be possible, our friendly relations with Europe, the United States of America, and other world countries.

Fourth: Protecting lives and dignity of our citizens, wherever they are, is our unquestioned priority. Based on this, we are going to execute our foreign policy. We are also going to protect interests of our business community abroad. And everybody has to realize that if anyone commits aggresive onslaughts, they will be responded.

And, finally, the fifth: As other countries of the world do, Russia has regions in which it has its priviledged interests. In these regions, there are countries with whom we have traditionally friendly good-hearted relations, historically special relations. We will be working very carefully in these regions. And develop such friendly relations with these states, with our close neighbors. This is what I am going to be guided by in executing our external policy.

What about the future, it depends not only on us. It also depends on our friends, our partners in the international community. They have a choice.

Dmitry Anatolievich, are the priority regions territories bordering Russia?

Of course, they are the bordering regions. But not exclusively.

Dmitry Anatolievich, you mentioned possible response of Russia in case anybody commits aggression against it. Is there a sufficient legal foundation for that, from your viewpoint? Is it provided for legally?

Of course, yes.

Or some special legislation is needed?

Everything was done long time ago. The international community has approved the UN Charter, in which the right of a state for self-defense is directly stated. We have the Constitution, we have special Russian legislation, in accordance with which decisions on responsive measures are taken. Including decisions on the use of the Russian Armed Forces. We have a regulatory environment, it works, and requires no amendments.

And what about the diplomatic and economic sanctions?

You know, we are generally not advocates of sanctions. We succumb to them only in extreme situations. But, eventually, like other states, we have to use them sometimes. In some countries, there are special laws for imposing them. But, if needed, we can also adopt such special legislation. But I find this a most unproductive way to resolve problems.